法學論文的翻譯在某種程度上一種思想文化傳遞的過程，是將西方法學文化向中國傳播的過程，亦是將中國的法學文化向西方傳播的過程（盡管相較于前者，后者仍相對緩慢、影響力較弱）。法學論文是一種難度較高的學術翻譯。與本書其他課文中所列舉的翻譯類型相比較，法學論文的翻譯尤其要求嚴謹，否則會導致所介紹的學術思想的偏差和謬誤。

近幾年來，包括法學論文翻譯在內的法學學術翻譯呈現(xiàn)了一派欣欣向榮的景象。盡管翻譯作品的數(shù)量大量增加，但質量卻不容樂觀。⁽¹⁾法律論文的翻譯能否達到一個較高的水平、翻譯出的作品能否具有更高的質量，譯者是關鍵。我們認為，譯者不但要具有相當?shù)姆▽W理論素養(yǎng)，還要具有較高的翻譯能力和英文水平。在翻譯實踐中，對于原文材料，譯者要對其進行深入地理解；對于譯文的表述，譯者要注意其嚴謹性和可讀性。

要準確理解原文，譯者通常要厘清句子結構和邏輯關系。對于句子結構和邏輯關系的分析，其具體的方法與下編第5課“長句的翻譯”中所介紹的方法類似。例如：

The judge does not merely preside, moreover; he can take the case away from the jury by granting a new trial or, if the evidence is completely one-sided, a directed verdict or judgment notwithstanding the verdict, if the jury seems to him to have screwed up.

本句選自波斯納（Richard A. Posner）的“證據(jù)法的經濟分析方法”一文（An Economic Approach to the Law of Evidence），載《斯坦福法律評論》（Stanford Law Review）⁽²⁾，是波斯納的著名論文之一。

步驟1：“拆分”句子，找出句子的主體結構。

這一句中有很多標點符合，自然地將句子分成很多分句。這句話中有兩個if條件狀語從句。這句話的主體結構是：The judge does not merely preside, moreover; he can take the case away from the jury by granting a new trial or a directed verdict or judgment notwithstanding the verdict.

步驟2：分別翻譯分割后的短句。

The judge does not merely preside：法官不僅主持審判。

he can take the case away from the jury by granting a new trial：可準予重審案件，而使案件脫離陪審團的審判。

if the evidence is completely one-sided：如果證據(jù)完全是一邊倒的。

if the jury seems to him to have screwed up：如果法官認為陪審團的做法無章可循。

or a directed verdict or judgment notwithstanding the verdict：或者通過“指示裁斷”或“徑直裁決”等方式。

步驟3：“組合”漢語譯文。

厘清兩個if條件狀語從句和主句之間的邏輯關系是“組合”漢語譯文的關鍵所在。

在第一個if條件狀語所描述的情景下，即“如果證據(jù)完全是一邊倒的”，法官的做法是：可準予重審案件，而使案件脫離陪審團的審判。

在第二個if條件狀語所描述的情景下，即“如果法官認為陪審團的做法無章可循”，法官的做法是：通過“指示裁斷”或“徑直判決”等方式，而使案件與陪審團相剝離。

因此，組合后的漢語是：法官不僅主持審判。此外，如果證據(jù)完全是一邊倒的，他可通過準予重審案件，或者“指示裁斷”或“徑直判決”等方式，使案件與陪審團相剝離。

在本句的理解上，對granting a new trial（批準或準予重審）、JNOV（徑直判決；不顧陪審團裁決之判決）以及directed verdict（指示裁斷；直接依照承審法官的命令而對案件作出判決）等術語的準確理解也是關鍵。再看幾例。

Juries will hear only a fraction of the criminal cases processed in Japan. In 2004, public prosecutors disposed of 2,183,811 cases. 34.5% were sent to summary courts, where punishment is limited to minor fines and shortterm imprisonment. 10.9% were referred to family courts. 44.7% received suspensions of prosecutions and 2.9% were not prosecuted for a variety of reasons. In only 6.8% of cases were suspects (148,939) indicted. Of those indicted, only 2.2%, or 3,308 cases, would have received jury trials. The bulk of criminal cases will remain the exclusive province of legal professionals. This is similar to the U.S., where juries hear only about 2% of felony dispositions.⁽³⁾（陪審團只審理日本處理的一小部分刑事案件。2004年，日本各檢察院共處理2,183,811起案件。其中34.5%由簡易法庭受理，其作出的處罰僅限于小額罰金和短期監(jiān)禁。10.9%案件由家庭法院受理。44.7%的案件會被暫緩起訴，2.9%的案件會因多種原因而不被起訴。最終被提起公訴的嫌疑人約為148,939人，占全部案件的6.8%，其中只有2.2%，也就是3,308宗案件會由陪審團審理。可見絕大多數(shù)的刑事案件依然由職業(yè)法律人專門審理。這與美國相似，僅有2%的重罪案件由陪審團審理。）

The introduction of lay participants demands faster trials and more accessible court proceedings, and officials have responded with changes to the pre-trial and trial procedures. Previously, trials for serious crimes extended over many months. In 2005, trial courts averaged 2.4 hearings over a 2.8 month period when defendants confessed. In contested cases, 7.3 hearings on average were held over a 9.5 month period. To speed up proceedings and accommodate lay jurors, a new pretrial was introduced in 2005. The prosecution and defense now consult with the presiding judge before the trial to identify the disputed points for the jury to decide. The focus of trials will also shift from written material to oral argument and live testimony. Currently, prosecutors collect evidence, interview witnesses, procure confessions, note evidence of offender remorse (if any) and compile their findings in a massive dossier that forms the basis for a judge's verdict and sentencing. To ensure that proceedings are accessible to lay jurors, saiban-in trials will differ in several respects. In place of dossiers, the prosecution and defense will present their evidence orally. Witnesses and the accused will be crossexamined in public. Prosecutors and defense lawyers have begun honing their public speaking skills and courtrooms have been outfitted with screens and other devices to make the presentation of evidence more accessible to the lay judges. Still, prosecutors will create a dossier (for determining the indictment) and some have discussed providing jurors with shortened versions of it.（非職業(yè)人士參與審判的引入，要求更快的審理速度和更為便捷的法庭程序，因此，日本的審前和庭審程序均已作出了相應的改革。原先嚴重刑事案件經常要拖延數(shù)月。2005年，被告有自白者，初審法院用2.8個月時間平均審理2.4件案件。在有爭議的案件中，9.5個月的審期平均審理了7.3起案件。為了提高訴訟效率并建立一個與非職業(yè)陪審員相適應的制度，日本于2005年引入了新的審前程序。在案件審判前，檢方、辯護方需與案件的主審法官協(xié)商確定，案件的哪些爭議點需由陪審團裁定。庭審焦點也從書面材料轉移到口頭論辯和證人當庭作證之上。目前的情況是，檢方收集證據(jù)、詢問證人、獲取嫌疑人口供、記錄嫌疑人的悔過情形（可能有也可能無），并將其認定的結果制作成卷宗，以作為法官定罪與量刑的依據(jù)。為確保審判程序能被陪審員認知，裁判員審判在以下幾個方面發(fā)生變化：控辯雙方均以口頭而非卷宗的方式展示證據(jù)；證人和被告人公開接受交叉詢問；檢察官和辯護律師均注重培養(yǎng)自己的公共演說技巧；法庭裝有大屏幕和其他設備，以使陪審員更好地熟悉證據(jù)展示。不變的是，控方仍制作卷宗（用來確定是否提起公訴），有法官還提出要使陪審員能獲得簡明版卷宗。）

在上例中，對于“In contested cases, 7.3 hearings on average were held over a 9.5 month period.”這句話的翻譯，有的譯者可能想當然地理解為，既然9.5個月審理7.3個案件，那么就可以翻譯為“每個月審理不到1個案件”。倘若譯者作這樣譯介，就會曲解原作者的意思。事實上，有研究曾表明，日本初審法院審理每起被告有自白案件的平均時間是2.8個月，無自白案件是9.5個月每起。所以這里的9.5個月是有“典故”的，這里的數(shù)據(jù)說明：初審法院的審判效率在2005年已有了一定程度的提高。

Legal professionals have long dominated Japanese criminal justice, and prior efforts to reduce their influence have largely failed. The role of lay participants in Japan's first jury system, which ran from 1928 to 1943, was narrowed into impotence by conservatives. Postwar innovations intended to provide a democratic check on judges and prosecutors, such as prosecutorial review commissions and a constitutional provision providing for electoral review of Supreme Court justices, have had little to no impact. Thus, one of the principal questions surrounding the new mixed jury system is whether judges will exploit their role in the panels to marginalize the influence of laypersons on judicial decisions.（日本刑事司法制度長期由職業(yè)法律人主導，此前有一些努力曾試圖改變這一局面，但均告敗。依1928—1943年間日本最早實行的陪審制，陪審員曾參與過司法，但他們發(fā)揮的作用因傳統(tǒng)因素而日漸式微。而戰(zhàn)后為制約檢察官而設立的檢察院審查委員會和為制約最高法院法官而設計的國民投票審查憲法條款等改革措施，均收效甚微，甚至毫無效果。在這種背景下，人們對日本新陪審制的最主要的擔心無疑就在于，法官是否照舊會利用他們在合議庭中的地位而將陪審員對司法判決的影響邊際化。）

在上述原文的理解上，“electoral review”的理解十分關鍵。倘若讀者將其理解為“審查選舉程序”，則意思就會出現(xiàn)大的偏差。事實上，這是日本憲法中的一則條文，它指的是“國民投票審查”制度。

不同的作者具有不同的論文寫作風格，有的學者的論文除了敘述嚴謹、資料翔實之外，往往還有很強的藝術性，使用很多修辭手法，凝聚了很多歷史典故，讀來很有歷史觀和美感。例如，

We encountered the lex naturae⁽⁴⁾ earlier as an essentially Stoic⁽⁵⁾ creation which was taken over by Christianity for the purpose of constructing a bridge between its own ethics and the norms of the world. It was the law legitimated by God's will for all man of this world of sin and violence，and thus stood in contrast to those of God's commands which were revealed directly to the faithful and are evident only for the elect.

本段文字選自馬克斯·韋伯（Max Weber）的《論經濟和社會中的法律》（On Law in Economy and Society），這是馬克斯·韋伯的著名論文之一。⁽⁶⁾在這一句中就使用了比喻的修辭手法，比如，“架起一座橋梁”（constructing a bridge）；還引用了一些宗教背景的用語，比如，“上帝的意志”（God's will），“上帝的誡令”（God's commands），“上帝所選之人”（the elect）等。

步驟1：“拆分”句子，找出句子的主體結構。

上述文字由兩句話組成，結構本身并不復雜。

對于第一句而言，其中有一個which引導的定語從句，其主體結構是：We encountered the lex naturae earlier as an essentially Stoic creation。

對于第二句而言，其中有l(wèi)egitimated by God's will for all man of this world of sin and violence，以及stood in contrast to those of God's commands引導的后置定語成分，修飾law，還有which引導的定語從句修飾commands。其主體結構是：It was the law。

步驟2：分別翻譯分割后的短句。

We encountered the lex naturae earlier as an essentially Stoic creation：我們在遙遠的古代就接觸了主要由斯多葛學派所創(chuàng)造的自然法。

which was taken over by Christianity for the purpose of constructing a bridge between its own ethics and the norms of the world：它被督教傳承下來，為了在其自身的倫理與現(xiàn)世的規(guī)范之間架起一座橋梁。

It was the law：這一法律。

legitimated by God's will for all man of this world of sin and violence：上帝的意志使其具有正當性，并適用于這個罪惡和暴力的世界上的所有人。

stood in contrast to those of God’s commands：對立于上帝的律令。

在這個分句中，如果將commands翻譯成“命令”就不是特別地嚴謹，在基督教的背景下，上帝的“commands”翻譯為“律令”，或者“誡令”比較合適，比如著名的“十誡”，其英文就是“Ten Commands”。

which were revealed directly to the faithful and are evident only for the elect：這些律令直接昭示于信徒，并且僅僅顯明于上帝所選擇的人。

在這個分句中，在上下文的背景下，“the faithful”指的是“信仰基督教的人”，或者翻譯為“信徒”；“the elect”指的是“被上帝所選擇的人”。

步驟3：“組合”漢語譯文。

對于上述文字的譯文的組合，要注意的是其中的事實邏輯。在這段話的背景下，斯多葛學派首先創(chuàng)造了自然法，其后基督教傳承了該學派所創(chuàng)造的自然法。此外，上述文字的“文學色彩”較濃，在表述譯文的時候還要注意譯文的“可讀性”。

譯文可以組合為：我們在遙遠的古代就接觸了主要由斯多葛學派所創(chuàng)造的自然法，它被督教傳承下來，為了在其自身的倫理與現(xiàn)世的規(guī)范之間架起一座橋梁。對于這一法律，上帝的意志使其具有正當性，并適用于這個罪惡和暴力的世界上的所有人。這一法律對立于上帝的律令，這些律令直接昭示于信徒，并且僅僅顯明于上帝所選擇的人。⁽⁷⁾

法學論文中存在著大量的專用術語。和其他法律文書的翻譯類似，對于法學論文的翻譯，要正確地翻譯相關術語，才能保證譯文的準確和嚴謹。例如：

Before 1925 there were many different legal estates⁽⁸⁾ and legal interests that could exist in land⁽⁹⁾; and a corresponding range of estates and interests that could exist in equity. However, since 1925 only two legal estates in land can exist and the number of legal interests has been limited. The two legal estates are the “fee simple absolute in possession”⁽¹⁰⁾ — in common parlance “freehold” and the “term of years absolute”⁽¹¹⁾ — commonly known as “l(fā)easehold”. Although commonhold will not be a new form of legal estate in land (it will be a type of freehold ownership with particular statutory attributes), it is a new form of communal land ownership.

上述文字選自一篇名為“共同持有：一個新時代的肇始？”（Commonhold: The dawning of a new age?）的論文⁽¹²⁾，這篇論文介紹了英國的一種新型共有地產權制度：共同持有地產權（commonhold），這種制度類似我國法律中的“區(qū)分所有權”。在上述文字中出現(xiàn)了多個術語，比如“法定地產權”（legal estates）、“法定利益”（legal interests）、“現(xiàn)實占有的絕對非限嗣繼承地產權”（fee simple absolute in possession）、“絕對定期地產權”（term of years absolute）、“租賃持有地產權”（leasehold）等等。在翻譯的過程中，譯者需要查閱辭典、文獻，搞清楚上述術語的來龍去脈，才能準確地理解和翻譯上述論文。

對于中國讀者而言，如果沒有系統(tǒng)地研究英美財產法，即使將上述術語都被翻譯成漢語了，還是很難理解譯文的含義的。因此，為了便于讀者的理解，譯者在翻譯類似中國讀者不熟悉的術語時，有必要加入一些腳注、說明性的文字，對術語進行解釋，以便于讀者理解。

上述文字的結構相對簡單，造成翻譯困難的主要是其中的各種術語。在厘清各種術語的法律性質后，翻譯起來就比較容易了。由于上述文字的語法結構相對簡單，就不再按照上述兩個例句的模式分步驟翻譯了。

漢語譯文可以組織為：在1925年之前，土地上可以存在多種不同的法定利益；并且，相應范圍的地產權和利益也可以存在于衡平法上。然而，從1925年起，僅有兩項法定地產權可以存在于土地上，同時，法定權益的數(shù)量也受到了限制。這兩項法定地產權是“現(xiàn)實占有的絕對非限嗣繼承地產權”——通常的說法是“完全保有地產權”，以及“絕對定期地產權”——通常被稱為“租賃持有地產權”。盡管共同持有地產權并不是一種存在于土地上的新型法定地產權（它是一種具有特定的制定法屬性自主持有地產權），但其將是一種新型的共有土地產權。

再舉上述“日本新陪審制”一文的數(shù)段原文和譯文，供讀者參考比對。

The Japanese judiciary is a unitary national system. Small claims and minor criminal offenses are overseen by summary courts, which are typically staffed by retired judges and prosecutors or former court administrative officials. District and high court positions are the exclusive province of an individual who has spent his career within the judicial system. District courts serve as the courts of first instance. In all but very minor cases, district court judges sit in panels of three. They are responsible for deciding all matters of fact and law. Criminal judgments can be appealed to one of the eight high courts. The Supreme Court, which functions as a constitutional court and court of last resort, sits atop this hierarchy. By law, Supreme Court justices are appointed by the cabinet. In practice, however, the judiciary selects who will fill a vacancy on the Court and the cabinet rubberstamps the decision.（日本法院體系屬于單一國家體系。小額索賠及輕微刑事案件歸簡易法庭管轄；簡易法院的法官通常由退休的法官、檢察官或法院書記官擔任。地區(qū)法院和高等法院的法官則只有職業(yè)生涯在法院體系內人員才有資格擔任。地區(qū)法院是初審法院。除極其輕微的案件外，地區(qū)法院中的一般案件由三名法官組成合議庭審理。合議庭負責審理案件的全部法律和事實問題。刑事判決可向八個高等法院中的一個上訴。最高法院作為憲法法院和終審法院，位于整個法院體系的最頂層。依照法律，最高法院法官由內閣任命。但在實踐中，實際由司法機關選拔最高法院法官，內閣僅履行形式上的批準權。）

In keeping with its civil law origins, legislation is the primary source of law. There is only one jurisdiction and criminal procedure is uniform throughout Japan. Criminal law is compiled in two documents, the Code of Criminal Procedure and the Penal Code, which are the primary references for criminal adjudication. Case law is of only secondary importance. The Supreme Court determines how various codes and statutes should be interpreted and establishes conventions for adjudicating cases.（日本以制定法為主要的法律淵源，保持了大陸法系的傳統(tǒng)。日本只有一個法域（有統(tǒng)一的司法權），全日本的刑事程序都是統(tǒng)一的。審理刑事案件的主要依據(jù)是《刑事訴訟法典》和《刑法典》。判例法的地位次之。最高法院負責解釋各法典與制定法并創(chuàng)設慣例，供審判案件所用。）

In addition to exercising judicial power, the Supreme Court is the highest authority on judicial administration. This authority is exercised through the Court's General Secretariat, the most powerful organ of the judiciary. Even among bureaucratic civil law systems, the Japanese judiciary is distinguished by the General Secretariat's persistent regulation and manipulation of judicial careers. Staffed by over a hundred career judges, the Secretariat uses its power to ensure that all aspects of the judiciary, such as fact-finding, application of the law, and sentencing, conform to the standards established by the Supreme Court.（除行使司法權外，最高法院還是最高的司法行政機關。其行政權限通過最高法院事務總局來實現(xiàn)。事務總局管理與控制職業(yè)法官是日本法院體系的特點，雖然官僚主義在各大陸法系國家是普遍的，但日本在這一方面與其他大陸法系國家不同。事務總局由一百多位職業(yè)法官組成，保證法院體系的各個方面，諸如案件事實的查明、法律的適用以及定罪量刑等，均符合最高法院設立的標準。）

對于初學者而言，在翻譯法學論時，譯文質量的提高不是一蹴而就的事情。在法學論文的翻譯實踐中，要使譯文做到“信、達、雅”的標準，一方面需要譯者不斷地在翻譯實踐中進行經驗的累積，進而總結出法學論文所固有的一些規(guī)律；另一方面也需要譯者不斷地提高自己的法學理論素養(yǎng)，豐富自己的學科知識，避免翻譯中因學科知識斷裂而出現(xiàn)的“硬傷”。在此基礎上，法學論文的譯文的質量才可能得到不斷的提高。

chapters　reasoning　multitude　sentiments　conception　individual's

It is true that when medieval writers spoke of natural law as being discoverable by reason, they meant that the best human (1) could discover it, and not, of course, that the results to which any and every (2) reasoning led him was natural law. The foolish criticism of Jeremy Bentham: “a great (3) of people are continually talking of the law of nature; and then they go on giving you their (4) about what is right and what is wrong; and these sentiments, you are to understand, are so many (5) and sections of the law of nature,” merely showed a contempt for a great (6) which Bentham had not taken the trouble to understand.

A. preventive law

B. natural law

C. prevention doctrine

D. necessity

E. presumption of innocence

（1）A philosophical system of legal and moral principles purportedly deriving from a universalized conception of human nature or divine justice rather than from legislative or judicial action.

（2）A justification defense for a person who acts in an emergency that he or she did not create and who commits a harm that is less severe than the harm that would have occurred but for the person's actions.

（3）The fundamental principle that a person may not be convicted of a crime unless the government proves guilt beyond a reasonable doubt, without any burden placed on the accused to prove innocence.

（4）The principle that each contracting party has an implied duty to not do anything that prevents the other party from performing its obligation.

（5）A practice of law that seeks to minimize a client's risk of litigation or secure more certainty with regard to the client's legal rights and duties.

（1）Moreover, when deference is impossible (because some instances of legal pluralism are repressive, violent, and/or profoundly illiberal), procedures for managing hybridity can at least require an explanation of why a decision maker cannot defer. In sum, pluralism offers not only a more comprehensive descriptive account of the world we live in, but also suggests a potentially useful alternative approach to the design of procedural mechanisms, institutions, and practices.

（2）When we speak of “l(fā)aw”, “l(fā)egal order”, or “l(fā)egal proposition”, close attention must be paid to the distinction between the legal and the sociological points of view. Taking the former，we ask: What is intrinsically valid as law? That is to say: What significance or, in other words, what normative meaning ought to be attributed in correct logic to a verbal pattern having the form of a legal proposition. But if we take the latter point of view, we ask: What actually happens in a community owing to the probability that persons participating in the communal activity, especially those wielding a socially relevant amount of power over the communal activity, subjectively consider certain norms as valid and practically act according to them, in other words，orient their own conduct towards these norms? This distinction also determines, in Principle, the relationship between law and economy.

（3）Criticism of the criminal justice system began to build in the 1970s and 1980s following a series of highprofile death-row acquittals in which innocent defendants endured decades-long imprisonment. Judges came under fire for poor fact-finding and citizen groups calling for criminal juries started to emerge. These citizen groups saw lay participation as a corrective to the limited life experience of judges and as a necessary safeguard for the defendant's rights. In 1987, the Supreme Court acknowledged declining public trust in the judiciary by commissioning studies of foreign jury systems. Encouraged by this decision, the Japan Federation of Bar Associations (JFBA) held national symposiums on juries in the early 1990s and citizen groups recruited people each year to participate in mock trials.

（1）由于律師職業(yè)是在中國特定的歷史、文化背景下孕育的，其本身必然存在著某種“先天不足”。社會意識中平等觀念的不足，必導致律師依附性的相對較強；權利意識的不足，必導致律師維權能力的相對軟弱。

（2）刑事司法權本身就是對刑事案件進行調查并在此基礎上做出裁判的權力，由刑事司法權所引發(fā)的刑事司法制度究其制度本身，其實就是維系個人自由與社會秩序之間的一種平衡的制度。簡而言之，就是協(xié)調國家公權力與個人私權利在所涉刑事領域范疇所導致的必然沖突的一種制度。這種制度本身所直接體現(xiàn)的就是對人權的保障和對犯罪的控制。

（3）矯正的理念來自于刑事實證學派，在刑事古典學派那里是沒有矯正可言的：報應主義強調的是懲罰，而功利主義強調的是威嚇。在這種情況下，刑罰只不過是懲罰的手段與威嚇的工具。刑事實證學派，尤其是刑事社會學派，以李斯特的教育刑思想而聞名于世。在教育刑思想中，就包含了對犯罪人進行矯正的理念。李斯特曾言：“矯正可以矯正的罪犯，不能矯正的罪犯不使為害?！北M管李斯特對于如何對罪犯進行矯正并未深入論述，但我們將李斯特稱為矯正理念的首倡者并不為過。相對于報應刑與威嚇刑的思想，矯正的理念賦予刑罰以更為積極的意義?；诔C正的理念，罪犯不再是簡單的刑罰客體，而且是矯正的對象。盡管并非所有的罪犯都能夠通過矯正成為守法公民，但至少對于可矯正者來說，這種使其重新做人的效果是可期待的。因此，矯正的理念使刑罰不僅是排害之器，而且成為致善之道。

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(1) 有學者指出，當今翻譯事業(yè)已經呈現(xiàn)出法律知識百貨店的景象，但有不少假冒偽劣商品，急功近利是粗制濫造的主要原因。參見鄔蕾，焦紅艷：“法學翻譯：翻譯了誰改變了誰”，載法制網，http://www.legaldaily.com.cn/zmbm/content/2010-04/22/content_2119906.htm，2011年1月3日。

(2) 51 Stan. L. Rev. 1477.

(3) Ingram Weber. The New Japanese Jury System: Empowering the Public, Preserving Continental Justice, East Asia Law Review, 2009, pp. 126—176. 中文已由屈文生、李潤譯出。

(4) lex naturae：自然法。

(5)  斯多葛學派（the Stoic）是希臘化時代一個有極大影響的思想派別，被認為是自然法理論的真正奠基者。它的創(chuàng)始人是芝諾（Zeno），由于他講學的地方是在公共建筑下面的柱廊（stoa），希臘人稱之為斯多葛（stoic）。

(6) 轉引自鄭戈：《法律學術翻譯的規(guī)范》，載《北大法律評論》（第2卷，第1輯），第314頁。

(7) 本句話的翻譯參照了鄭戈：《法律學術翻譯的規(guī)范》，載《北大法律評論》（第2卷，第1輯），第314頁。

(8) estate：指一個人在與土地的關系中所處的地位，或他相對于土地的關系，包括其對土地享有的不同種類、不同程度的權利；在口語中則引申為土地本身。薛波主編的《元照英美法詞典》（法律出版社，2003年版）第490頁至第494頁對各種類型的estate進行了詳細地介紹和解釋，由于其中絕大多數(shù)類型的estate都已經成為土地法歷史中使用的名詞，本文不再贅述。

英國學者F.H.勞森和伯納德·冉德在其所著的《英國財產法導論》（The Law of Propety）一書中認為，estate在英語中有四種不同的用法：a.可能指一片土地（如“Osborne estate”）；b.可能指土地及其他動產（如“real and personal estate”）；c.有時指的是死者遺留下來的全部財產（如“The deceased's estate”），包括有能力償還的或無能力償還的債務責任；d.它還可能意指在一段時間內的對某種財務的占有使用權。如不動產租約（leasehold）是一種定期就結束的財產，而終身財產（life estate）則是某人一生可以享受的財產。參見［英］F.H.勞森，伯納德·冉德：《英國財產法導論》，曹培澤，法律出版社2009年版，第17頁。

(9) 僅就字面意思而言，“l(fā)and”可以翻譯為“土地”。需要說明的是，在普通法上，“土地”是指泥土、地下的石頭以及地上的空氣；土地包括土地之上的生長物，以及“附屬于”該土地的建筑物?！?925年財產法》規(guī)定，土地包括任何保有（tenure）類型的土地、礦藏（mines）和礦物（minerals）、建筑或建筑的組成部分。參見 S.205(1)(iv), Law of Property Act 1925；［英］凱特·格林，喬·克斯雷：《土地法》（第四版），法律出版社2003年影印本，第8頁。

(10)  the fee simple absolute in possession：現(xiàn)實占有的，永久的（不附帶限定條件的），廣義可繼承的土地自由保有權，是所有各種地產權中最強勢，最有權威的一種。所以“the fee simple absolute in possession”的概括含義就是最完全的土地所有權。參見薛波主編：《元照英美法詞典》，法律出版社2003年版，第493頁。

(11)  terms of years absolute：這是1925年《財產法》（Law of Property Act 1925）改革之后所保留的兩種普通法上的地產權之一，一般就是指租賃地產權（leasehold），但不限于此：可以實際占有或回復地產的形式生效；可以以交租為條件，也可不交租。之所以成為“絕對”，是因為其存在的期限是確定的，但這種確定性并不影響該地產可能在約定期限屆滿之前因出租人重新進入或其他特定事由而終止。參見薛波主編：《元照英美法詞典》，法律出版社2003年版，第1337頁。

(12) 載www.pglaw.co.uk/pdf/articles/Commonhold-the-dawning-of-a-new-age.pdf，2011年5月1日。